On the Eve of 2016, we need a resolution capable of confronting the crisis we face, and making a future worth fighting for.

“A Resolution” looks back on the crisis and confusion of 2015: climate change-driven wildfires, droughts, and storms; ISIS and their attacks in Paris, Beirut, and Ankara; bankrupt political leaders at COP21 debating how fast to kill the world; and an ever growing number of people murdered by police across American cities. As times grow darker, as despair and hopelessness grow in tandem with stupidity and horror, people everywhere are searching for vision and direction.

“A Resolution” points to the sparks that are creating a new light in the growing darkness: the revolutionary wave that spread from Tunis to New York; the Kurdish freedom struggle and the war against ISIS in Rojava; the riots and blockades sparked by the killings of Mike Brown and Eric Garner; and the retooling and remaking of life with “civilization starter kits” and “removing the dust” from indigenous knowledges and practices. “We, the people who work every day, who think we ‘don’t have time’ – we are the only ones who can do this,” said a Woodbine co-founder. “No one’s going to do this for us—no politician, no technological innovation, no international agreement. If we want a different future, we are going to have to make it, from where we are and in every place.”

As people worldwide are taking stock, looking backwards to 2015 and forward to 2016, “A Resolution” shows that amidst growing catastrophe, the only real future is the one we’ll make.

Woodbine is a hub for building autonomy in the Anthropocene. Our mission is to grow collective material and organizational capacities and build revolution in the 21st century. With a workshop, library, kitchen, and meeting space, we focus on efforts to self-organize, connect, create infrastructures, and develop individual and collective efficacy.

Subtitles in Spanish, Portuguese, Russian, Arabic, German, Japanese, French, Finnish, Greek, Turkish, Italian, and more…

For more information:

woodbine.nyc // facebook.com/woodbine.nyc

Rise of the Drones (short documentary)

‘Rise of the Drones’ is a short PBS documentary on the history of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs as the military and developers call them) or Drones, as they are popularly known. Much of the information is useful. There’s a terror invoked with just the thought of some of these fantasies of the world of D A R P A, total information awareness, of a drone that can see and record all movement in the city or geographical area it hovers above, miles above, among the clouds. With surveillance the question isn’t “will we be seen?” as much as it is  “how does this shape our lives?”, “what does it produce as a relationship?”. These questions are cybernetic questions. And why remain so much more terrified about the camera overhead, rather than those we carry with us, into the process of identity management, attests to the subtle intelligence of social networks (also essentially created by D A R P A).

Invisible Cities

“The inferno of the living is not something that will be; if there is one, it is what is already here, the inferno where we live every day, that we form by being together. There are two ways to escape suffering it. The first is easy for many: accept the inferno and become such a part of it that you can no longer see it. The second is risky and demands constant vigilance and apprehension: seek and learn to recognize who and what, in the midst of the inferno, are not inferno, then make them endure, give them space.”

read here

Zone to Defend

One of the ways of organizing at the ZAD that was very effective was the creation of a ZAD radio station, Radio Klaxon. I think you’ve already heard something about it. Well, rather soon after the ZAD occupation began some peeps were able to install a transmitter in a truck and one of the things they did was pirate the frequency for traffic news. The freeway passed very close to the ZAD, so, using this transmitter truck that moved around a lot to avoid being located by the police, they were able to broadcast information about police movements and checkpoints, and which roads were best for getting through. That was quite a tool that made it possible to relay the signs and rumors of attack ahead of time. Supporters near the police station would pass the word to those in the ZAD or nearby, etc., there were a lot of people on our side in different parts of the population and this helped to prepare, and when there was an attack at a particular barricade there was communication of that and defenders could come from different points.

That’s a good warmup. Could we switch to an overview now, where you tell about some of the key happenings at the ZAD that finally led to the withdrawal of the police and the government’s shelving of the plan to build an airport there?

Yes. Well, after the first attack – it was in October, 2012, when the police came with massive force, what they called Operation Caesar, 1200 cops in fact, who destroyed part of the encampment.  There was a riposte to that attack, a huge demonstration that assembled something like 40,000 persons, the 17th of November, and they came there with the intention of rebuilding what had been torn down by the police. In this way several cabins were rebuilt very quickly, as you can imagine, not that 40,000 people were working at once, but many of them had arrived with wood and tools and materials for the purpose. That made it possible to go on living in the ZAD.

In all of that, there was participation by the Imaginary Party, from Rouen and Tarnac?

The participation was from all over France. There were support committees organized in various places. There were dozens of ZAD-focused collectives in the cities, I would guess a hundred or so, that held regular discussions and worked on providing ZAD with what was needed. Every day people in the Zone would put out calls for provisions and aid on the Internet and the collectives would see to that. In particular, when the camps were rebuilt, we in Rouen worked on a camp there called La Châtaigne.  After that rebuilding that started with the November 17th demonstration, La Châtaigne became a space for the collectives I mentioned, and Rouen was among those.  Thinking back to those days, the project for us was to take up residence for a week at La Châtaigne in our turn and show up there with enough food to serve a week’s worth of meals to the ZAD, plus supplying water and cleanup. We would also keep watch at the barricades in case the police arrived. These things were done under the slogan, “La ZAD partout.” (“The ZAD  [is] everywhere!”). To us this meant that the kind of spirit that was in conflict at the ZAD existed in other cities, other locales, that wherever one is there are people organizing against forces trying to squash them on their territories. So that this would make sense, the time at La Châtaigne was to be an opportunity to share what one knew that seemed relevant and provide themes for discussion. The theme we Rouen comrades chose was how to defend against the police, organizing not just for the moment of police attack but for before and after. This had to do not just with defense but also counter-offense and preparing for both beforehand. Also dealing with the consequences, with what followed, the legal and health responses, relative to those who had been wounded. At the ZAD there was a second large demonstration after the rebuilding, where the police came with bulldozers to resume destruction of the cabins. People were there to defend them, of course. This was an extremely violent weekend with a lot of brutality by the police. There were between 150 and 200 people wounded at the ZAD in that encounter. From the clubbing, teargas canisters, flashballs, from grenades that were designed like the military grenades, that made a tremendous explosion and released fragments of plastic or metal that lodged in the flesh. A bunch of people were injured by those. This gave us a lot to think about when we were back in Rouen. We talked about how to organize against such police attacks so that people wouldn’t be hurt in that way. As we see it, it’s necessary to organize a force, not only for attacking the police, as if that were simple, but for organizing together, thinking through an attack together, moving together in unfamiliar territory, la ZAD for example, through the forest and over different sorts of country terrain. So in January we came back to La Châtaigne with several different proposals for discussion, workshops, exercises aimed at clarifying this tactical dimension of clashing with the police. Some of those things are quite simple and very effective. There was a workshop on assembling reinforced banners, which are banners with a wood frame that are especially strong at the points where they are held, and have an armature that protects the ones carrying them from baton blows. They also have vertical covers made of heavy grade plastic sheets that will stop or deflect the flashballs. Well, that was a practice that hadn’t been used much at the ZAD, so we wanted to share that. Something else we focused on was the situation of those hurt, because you can be with others in a collective sense, for the same purpose in the same place, while the clash is happening but then there is this thing where if you’re hurt, and the comrades have dispersed, you can quickly find yourself isolated with your injury. Once people have scattered and gone back to different towns, it’s hard to maintain the contacts and to take stock of the injuries, to offer care and help to those injured, etc.  Obviously it wasn’t right that one could fight side by side with others to defend something everyone believed in, only to be alone after the action was over. A considerable amount of tactical time at the ZAD was spent talking about how to care for injured comrades on the spot, how to organize hospital visits when the injuries were serious. For this question there were two areas attended to at the ZAD. The first was that people organized themselves into medical teams in the ZAD, and learned to give first aid, to identify injuries, to suture open wounds, plus some of the other first aid skills that were needed. Second, the people in the ZAD also created a whole network of caregivers who were professionals in the region. So there were doctors and nurses who would make themselves available the days of the confrontations. This would seem to be essential when one contemplates an offensive capable of dealing with such consequences. More specifically at Rouen, we started a collective called Face aux Armes de la Police [Confronting the Weapons of the Police]. The collective wanted to act in response to the growing number of people hurt by police fire, especially by flashballs. In the past few years there have been several dozens of people injured in this way. Although the weapon is classified as non-lethal, it does a lot of damage nonetheless. Many people have lost eyes from flashball hits in France.  So, knowing about these facts, we wanted to think about the question of a response and what that would involve. It’s interesting that many types of people have been injured. For example, high school students recently during a demonstration, workers in a strike action, football fans after a match, undocumented immigrants who were trying to resist an expulsion, in addition to comrades at the ZAD. With these different groups of people, even though there’s no a priori connection between them, they all found themselves in a situation where they were defending something important to them and the collective decided to get in touch with them on that basis. It was a matter of contacting them from media information and other sources such as collectives through telephone calls. As you can understand, the affected persons often have no desire to talk with someone they don’t know, but it’s been possible to reach them through lawyers or other go-betweens. What our collective has in mind is reparations, of course, compensation for medical treatment and so forth. Well, the classical recourse is to file a complaint against the policeman who fired the shot, but this doesn’t work because the French State, the judiciary, has always found in favor of the policeman. There haven’t been any cases where the policeman was found guilty. What we’ve done instead, with an attorney who knows administrative procedures, is to work toward a form of complaint not against individual police but against the body that authorized the attacks. This would be at the level of the prefect of a département. This kind of procedure is more likely to be successful—in fact it has already been successful in instances involving conditions of imprisonment. The idea is to organize and present a collective complaint, a judicial procedure carried out collectively, in order to attack those who arm the police. What I’m talking about is somewhat new for France, but it’s the only thing that’s consistent with the collective spirit that matters to us. We began together, experienced these confrontations, and we want to carry through collectively. This procedure is what we proposed to the ZAD, to seek out injured people and to launch this procedure. I should make clear that we don’t expect anything from the justice system or the French State. The procedure is mainly a device for making connections with people. Even if there is something at stake with the procedure, obtaining some money for taking care of the people in question, for alleviating their difficulties, because if you’ve lost an eye there will be different sorts of problems, inability to drive, loss of employment, etc., different expenses—plus, some of the money could be re-injected into the struggles; one thinks of buying an ambulance for transporting our injured ourselves. You know, often the police prevent entry to the scene by ambulances from outside. The other aspect of this is that it might give us a position of strength vis-à-vis the State, which could result in eliminating these arms from the police’s set of options.

To conclude our story of the ZAD, following those clashes in the early winter of last year, there was a military-style occupation by the gendarmerie, consisting of about two hundred gendarmes, with units of these stationed at all the crossroads around the Zone for their purposes of surveillance. Well, last April on a Saturday morning, there was the idea of having a picnic at one of the crossroads, a picnic for the farmers around there, the townspeople, the ZAD people. It was the La Saute crossroad, which is a strategic one, the thought being that this would be our crossroad, not theirs. They had been occupying it for several months. Right after the picnic had gotten underway, after the tablecloths had been spread on the ground, and the sandwiches were brought out, the wine bottles opened, the police began their attack against us, lining up in formation 200 meters from us. Next, two groups of four separated out from the line and headed towards us, approaching from two sides. They intended to circulate among us arresting people. Obviously the people there weren’t inclined to let this happen and there was some agitation. When these cops started arresting people, their comrades stepped in to pull them free. Seeing this, four of the cops abandoned the scene and walked off into a field, leaving the four others to fend for themselves. Not surprisingly, they were roughed up in the melee since they were so badly outnumbered. They tried to use their clubs but the picnickers encircled them so it was hopeless. The gendarmes who had been witnessing the action started firing teargas canisters and some of the picnickers responded with Molotov cocktails. As a result of all this ruckus, there was the one gendarme on fire and lying on the ground.  Maybe some explanation would be good on this point. The idea of defending oneself at the ZAD by whatever means was rather widespread, and among the different means of self-defense there were people who used Molotovs to push back the police. The craziest thing in this anecdote is that there was a cop on the ground in the middle of the militant picknickers who refused to be arrested, and all his colleagues had run off, leaving him in a sorry predicament. So he was rather upset. I think he must have been very afraid as well. What he did next was to pull out his service pistol. Fortunately, someone was able to kick the gun out of his hand so no one was shot. The level of intensity that was generated by this clash was so extreme that five days later the gendarmerie left the Zone and the territory was liberated. Or at least there has been no further occupation by the police, no continuous police presence. This had been an experiment in counter-insurrection on the national level. This is well-known; every two weeks there would be a new team arriving for that kind of training in counter-insurrectional techniques. What is interesting for us is that after the police were withdrawn, people at the ZAD were able to begin a lot of collective projects. Agricultural projects, in particular. Several parcels of land were given to the ZAD by farmers in the area. So they’re growing wheat and vegetables. Money collected at the ZAD was used to buy a tractor for that. The land there is fertile.